Indigenous women leaders say Line 5 reroute project would be cultural, environmental ‘genocide’

Indigenous women leaders say Line 5 reroute project would be cultural, environmental ‘genocide’

Indigenous water protectors from Great Lakes tribes and their supporters are calling on a federal agency to fully review and reject a Line 5 project in northern Wisconsin, which they say would be “an act of cultural genocide” if permitted by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE).

The embattled Line 5 pipeline originates at the tip of northwest Wisconsin and continues for 645 miles into Michigan’s Upper Peninsula, under the Straits of Mackinac and out into Canada near Detroit.

Enbridge, the Canadian pipeline company that owns the oil infrastructure, is seeking to remove a 12-mile section of Line 5 from the Bad River reservation and replace it with a 41-mile section outside of the reservation.

How to steal a state: The Minnesota DNR basically sold the 1855 treaty territory out in a textbook case of mismanagement and corporate collusion.

How to steal a state: The Minnesota DNR basically sold the 1855 treaty territory out in a textbook case of mismanagement and corporate collusion.

"Since the signing of the 1855 treaty for 14 million acres of land, we continue to live on our land, as instructed: Harvesting medicines, basket materials, and always food from this land. During that time, tribal members have been arrested and jailed for fishing, ricing, and hunting in this land, to which we belong. We are usually charged by the Minnesota DNR, essentially for the crime of being Indian, being Anishinaabe."

DNR files $2.2M bill for policing during Enbridge Line 3 construction

DNR files $2.2M bill for policing during Enbridge Line 3 construction

The Department of Natural Resources is the largest recipient of MNPUC funds that paid $2.2 million for policing of Water Protectors instead of the Line 3 construction operations ignoring frac-outs, aquifer breaches and gifting 510 million gallons of water during a historical drought.

"There is a tremendous conflict of interest," said Winona LaDuke, head of Minnesota-based Honor the Earth, an Indigenous environmental group.

The Fight Against Line 3 Isn’t Over Yet By Abe Usher, The Progressive

The Fight Against Line 3 Isn’t Over Yet By Abe Usher, The Progressive

The Fight Against Line 3 Isn’t Over Yet

Though the pipeline is now operational, Native activists and allies continue to resist its impacts, despite a wave of criminal charges.

BY ABE ASHER

FEBRUARY 28, 2022

Fibonacci Blue (flickr) via Creative Commons

Shanai Matteson grew up in Palisade, Minnesota, a small town of several hundred people set on the banks of the Mississippi River as it winds from its headwaters in northern Minnesota toward the border with Wisconsin and south all the way to the Gulf of Mexico. As a child, Matteson swam in the Mississippi. 

When the coronavirus pandemic began, she decided to return to Palisade from Minneapolis—in part so her family could help her with childcare and rent, but also because the Canadian multinational corporation Enbridge was building a tar-sands pipeline through her hometown. She wanted to fight it. 

“[The police] saw it as a way to get new gear. They all bought new boots, and they got new guns, and they get to keep all that stuff now—and they were able to evolve a way of policing protest movements.” 

One-and-a-half years later, on July 6, 2021, with the appeals process exhausted and pipeline construction underway, Matteson and a group of water protectors, including Native American writer and activist Winona LaDuke, arrived at the site where Enbridge was drilling a tunnel for the pipeline beneath the nearby Willow River. What they saw was disturbing. 

“We had gone into the river channel basically to witness, and we ended up discovering a frac-out where they had spilled drilling mud into the river channel and hadn’t reported it yet to the pollution control agency,” Matteson recalls.

The Minnesota Department of Natural Resources has a presence in the vicinity, but was of little help. “They sent more police to arrest the protesters than they did monitors,” Matteson says. “There were no monitors.” 

In October, Enbridge completed construction on the new Line 3 pipeline, which crosses the Willow River next to the land where Matteson’s grandmother was born. Tar-sands oil from Canada has been flowing through the 1,097-mile pipeline ever since. 

But for the activists who fought the pipeline’s construction in Minnesota for nearly a decade—a collection of local Indigenous activists and non-Native allies—the fallout from their battle is still ongoing. 

Scores of activists face ongoing legal cases, and many more are processing what they learned about the nature of state power and capital, the intricacies of movement building, and the lessons they’ll take into the climate fights to come. 

For Joshua Preston, a movement attorney and member of the Minnesota National Guard, the experience of representing Line 3 protesters has been a crash course in understanding real world power dynamics. 

“It’s one thing to engage with these ideas in the abstract,” Preston says. “It’s very different when you see it for yourself—when you actually begin litigating these cases and you see how much power differential there really is and how little accountability there is on the part of law enforcement.”

Preston says the Stop Line 3 legal movement has documented some 950 incidents in which the state arrested or cited a protester; he said there has only been one instance, in Itasca County, where a county attorney voluntarily dropped a charge related to Line 3 opposition. 

Maybe we didn’t win this one, but we’re going to be better situated to win the next one.”

In a number of cases, those charges appear excessive. As The Guardian reported earlier this month, one protester who chained herself peacefully to a vehicle in the middle of a road last June was charged with felony theft—a charge that carries up to five years in prison.

Trials are ongoing. Michelle Naar-Obed, a member of the Catholic Workers who was arrested on the Prairie River in March of last year, appeared in court on February 25. Matteson has a court date set for April 11. 

Many protesters have faced recurring court dates and decisions over whether to plead guilty to crimes in exchange for reduced penalties, or to go to trial and risk the possibility of hefty fines and incarceration. They see the prosecutions as emblematic of how the state’s criminal justice system has served Enbridge’s interests during the Line 3 fight. 

In 2020, for instance, Enbridge set up an escrow account to be distributed to law enforcement to cover costs associated with policing the pipeline route ranging from overtime pay to riot gear. The corporation quickly poured millions into the account. 

“[The police] saw it as a way to get new gear,” Matteson says. “They all bought new boots, and they got new guns, and they get to keep all that stuff now—and they were able to evolve a way of policing protest movements.” 

For Matteson, who intends to stay in Aitkin County long-term, the experience on the Willow River that July day was instructive: People cannot rely on the state, let alone Enbridge, to ensure the relative health of the land and water. 

Matteson is now part of a group that does regular water testing at sites across northern Minnesota as activists attempt to keep track of how the pipeline is affecting their rivers and streams. 

Kerem Yucel via Creative Commons

Winona LaDuke (left) talks to the Hubbard County Sheriff near the stock pile of the Enbridge Line 3 pipeline in Park Rapids, Minnesota.

LaDuke, meanwhile, has turned her attention in part to several other fights threatening waterways and ecosystems near the White Earth Reservation and throughout the Upper Midwest. 

In January, Tesla announced that it had reached an agreement with Talon Metals to purchase 165 million pounds of nickel over the next six years in a $1.5 billion deal. Talon Metals, a partner of the multinational mining corporation Rio Tinto, wants to develop a mine in Aitkin County just miles from the site of the Willow River frac-out.

In early February, the U.S. Department of Energy awarded Talon a multi-million dollar research and development grant to explore carbon storage potential at the Tamarackwww.talonminerisks.com/ site. LaDuke calls the entire plan “the most absurd idea we’ve ever heard.” 

“That’s our heartland over there,” LaDuke tells The Progressive. “They’re very shallow lakes that are full of wild rice, and the dewatering that they propose for that mine in fact would affect the viability. They are going to draw down those lakes. So we’re going to fight them.”

Despite the setback with Line 3, the fight against Enbridge continues. The corporation’s plans to build a new Line 5 pipeline through Wisconsin and Michigan are facing resistance both from Indigenous tribes including the Bad River Band of Lake Superior Chippewa and government officials, including Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer

But just as Enbridge and law enforcement have built their strategies for surveilling, policing, and countering protest movements over successive campaigns, the movements to stop them are getting smarter, too. 

“Much in the same way that all the oil companies learn from every fight, from Keystone to Standing Rock to Line 3 . . . we’re also doing that as well,” Preston says. “Maybe we didn’t win this one, but we’re going to be better situated to win the next one.”

Activists also want to hold onto the energy and ideas of the “Stop Line 3” movement. 

“What stuck out to me most, early on, was the importance and the power of handmade things and how much love and energy you can put into making something by hand then having it used in a movement that is human-led,” says Dio Cramer, a Twin Cities-based illustrator and designer. 

LaDuke remains confident, too—not only because so many people “woke up” during the Line 3 fight, but also because the future of the oil and gas industry is so uncertain. 

“These bad ideas are running out of steam, because you and I know what’s going on” regarding the long-term outlook for the fossil fuel industry, she says. “The party is over.”

For many who fought against Line 3, the mission remains the same even as the conditions of the fight evolve and change.  

“We have to heal the land,” Matteson says. “Then the land will heal people.”

Canadian Report Poses Alternatives to Line 5 Pipelines

Canadian Report Poses Alternatives to Line 5 Pipelines

"Line 5 is almost 20 years past its useful engineered life, according to the experts that originally constructed the pipeline," said Wallace. "The location itself, 20% of the world's freshwater, drinking water for millions of people, it should have never been put there to begin with."

The Guardian: ‘They criminalize us’: how felony charges are weaponized against pipeline Water Protectors

The Guardian: ‘They criminalize us’: how felony charges are weaponized against pipeline Water Protectors

‘They criminalize us’: how felony charges are weaponized against pipeline Water Protectors…

About this content

Alexandria Herr for Floodlight

Thu 10 Feb 2022 05.00 EST

Taysha Martineau of Fond du Lac stands in front of a police line while in ceremony on land that fell in the Line 3 pipeline’s path, on 23 July 2021. Half an hour after this image was taken, they were arrested. Photograph: Chris Trinh

Twenty states have passed laws that criminalize protesting on ‘critical infrastructure’ including pipelines. In Minnesota, at least 66 felony theft charges against Line 3 protesters remain open

Supported by

About this content

Alexandria Herr for Floodlight

Thu 10 Feb 2022 05.00 EST

Last summer Sabine von Mering, a professor of German at Brandeis University, drove more than 1,500 miles from Boston to Minneapolis to protest against the replacement of the Line 3 oil pipeline that stretches from Canada’s tar sands down to Minnesota.

Along with another protester, she locked herself to a semi-truck in the middle of a roadway, according to a filed court brief, as a means of peaceful resistance. But when she was arrested, she was charged with a serious crime: felony theft, which carries up to five years in prison.

“It’s very scary that they criminalize us like that, and to face jail time,” said Von Mering, 54, of her June arrest. “But what can I do? I feel responsible to my kids and future generations.”

The felony charges come as more than a dozen states have passed laws to criminalize fossil fuel protests, and as the federal government has ramped up its own tactics for surveilling and penalizing protesters.

Von Mering is one of nearly 900 protesters who were arrested in Minnesota for protesting against the pipeline’s construction, with the vast majority of arrests taking place during the summer of 2021, and one of dozens facing felony charges. Construction on the Line 3 pipeline was finalized in October 2021 and carries 760,000 barrels of oil per day across northern Minnesota. But its construction for years has stoked fierce protests and legal challenges, led by Indigenous activists in northern Minnesota who worried about potential impacts of oil spills and the pipeline’s threat to treaty rights to gather wild rice.

While most of the arrests have led to misdemeanor or gross misdemeanor charges for crimes including “disturbing the peace” and “trespassing”, felony charges like Von Mering’s mean protesters are facing years of jail time.

Legal advocates say that in Minnesota the elevated charges are a novel tactic to challenge protest actions against pipeline construction. They see them as furthering evidence of close ties between Minnesota’s government and the fossil fuel industry. It follows reporting by the Guardian that the Canadian pipeline company Enbridge, which is building Line 3, reimbursed Minnesota’s police department $2.4m for time spent arresting protesters and on equipment including ballistic helmets. Experts say the reimbursement strategy for arrests is a new technique in both Minnesota and across the US, and there’s concern it can be replicated.

“I do a lot of representation for people in political protests and I’ve never seen anything like that,” said Jordan Kushner, a defense attorney representing clients charged in relation to Line 3 protests.

Two of Kushner’s clients were charged with felony “aiding attempted suicide” charges for crawling inside a pipe. The charge is for someone who “intentionally advises, encourages, or assists another who attempts but fails to take the other’s own life”, according to Minnesota law and carries up to a seven-year sentence. Authorities alleged that the protesters were endangering their lives by remaining inside the pipeline.

Water protectors Gabe, left, and Rainbow, right, hold hands while facing off with police at Red Lake Treaty Camp, a ceremonial and indigenous-led protest camp against the Line 3 oil pipeline, on 23 July 2021. Photograph: Chris Trinh

“To put it charitably, it’s a very creative use of this law,” said Kushner.

Across the country pipeline protests have faced fierce backlash in various forms by both the oil and gas industry and various state legislators who oppose the often successful protest delay tactics. Since 2017, 20 states have passed laws that criminalize protesting on “critical infrastructure” – a broad category which can include pipelines and oil refineries, depending on the state. Other strategies for discouraging protests have included spying by the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) on Keystone XL opponents in North and South Dakota, and flyovers of protester’s homes by Custom and Border Protection drones.

Outside of the US, authorities in British Columbia have also used arrest and lawsuits as a means to dissuade protests challenging the Coastal GasLink pipeline. At Line 3, protests came to a head last summer when hundreds of protesters were arrested for misdemeanor offenses. But the lawyers representing those arrested say charges began to get more severe, some bordering on the absurd.

At least 91 felony charges were made against 89 protester defendants in Minnesota, according to data compiled by the Pipeline Legal Action Network, a network of lawyers representing Line 3 defendants, and confirmed by the Guardian. It’s likely the number of total felony arrests was higher, as the data does not include all of the arrests made of Indigenous protesters, many who had their cases transferred to tribal courts. At least 66 felony theft charges against Line 3 protesters remain open and ongoing in the Minnesota courts.

“I’ve never seen felony theft and I’ve never seen felony assisted suicide used in environmental protests,” said Tara Houska, a tribal lawyer, activist and citizen of Couchiching First Nation, located along the border between Minnesota and Ontario.

“Some of these charges are a pretty obvious overstep by prosecutors to try and punish people for engaging in demonstration.”

Jason Goward, 37, is another protester who was arrested for felony theft. A citizen of the Fond Du Lac Ojibwe Band located near the pipeline’s terminus in Duluth, Minnesota, Goward first started as a construction worker on the Line 3 pipeline in 2020. Yet, he soon became disturbed by his work. The pipeline crosses through the treaty lands of the Ojibwe tribe and he watched as sandhill cranes – the animals of his grandmother’s clan – fled the construction site. The guilt came to a breaking point and Goward walked off the job to protest. He was arrested last July for locking himself to a piece of pipeline equipment. While his charges were eventually dropped after his case was transferred to Red Lake tribal court, the impacts of the arrest still follow him.

“I still can’t get a job to this day … No one wants to hire someone [arrested for] felony theft,” Goward said. (Background checks routinely flag arrest records, even when charges are dropped.)

Yet Goward says he doesn’t regret his decision to protest against the Line 3 construction.

“What kept me going was knowing that someday my sons, when they come back to the reservation, [will know] that I tried to make sure that the water, the rice, and the nature is clean for them to live off the land,” he said.

Jason Goward of Fond du Lac attends a Zoom court hearing on his mobile phone, inside a yurt at Camp Migizi, a resistance camp along the Line 3 pipeline’s route. Goward is facing felony charges and potential prison time for locking down to construction machinery in order to delay work on the Line 3 oil pipeline. Photograph: Chris Trinh

Minnesota’s police officers weren’t the only group that sought reimbursement from the pipeline company for time spent processing Line 3 protesters. Minnesota prosecutors also requested payment from Enbridge for their time spent bringing cases against protesters. According to documents obtained by the Center for Protest Law and Litigation, prosecutor Jonathan Frieden – who is overseeing the prosecution of nearly 500 Line 3 cases – invoiced an escrow account funded by Enbridge for $12,207 in 2021. The request was ultimately rejected.

An Enbridge spokesperson, Michael Barnes, said the company does not “determine who broke the law or how they are prosecuted” and said Minnesota’s Public Utility Commission determines what charges are reimbursable. Frieden did not respond to a request for comment.

Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, director of the Center for Protest Law and Litigation warns that the repayment of policing costs by Enbridge creates an “exceptional corruption and perversion of the justice system and of democracy” by “funding law enforcements to act against the political opponents of the corporation”.

Minnesota’s legislature has introduced 17 bills to expand penalties against protesting with six categorized as critical infrastructure bills. One bill introduced in the 2021 legislature but didn’t pass, would have extended the penalty of gross misdemeanor to those who “intentionally” recruited, trained or “conspired” with any trespasser.

Activists are building pressure to drop charges against Line 3 protesters. Others have moved on from Line 3 in Minnesota to protesting against Enbridge’s other oil pipeline, Line 5, in Michigan. But protesters like Von Mering still await their fate in the courts.

“It makes no sense that I have to defend myself against the charge of theft when I’m trying to protect the water,” she said. “They think I’m a criminal. But I’m not.”

CALL ON THE STATE GOVERNMENT TO DROP THE CHARGES


Video of Clearbrook Aquifer Breach Anniversary with Dawn Goodwin Dawn Goodwin

Video of Clearbrook Aquifer Breach Anniversary with Dawn Goodwin Dawn Goodwin

Clearbrook Aquifer Breach Anniversary with Dawn Goodwin Dawn Goodwin, Anishinaabe, and other water protectors gather at the one year anniversary of the Aquifer breach which spilled over 120 million gallons of water with the frac outs suffocating wetlands and aquatic biodiversity.

HDD operations are dangerous and reckless, and Enbridge proved that. Enbridge claims they cleaned their mess, but the future and time will reveal on a pipeline that should have never been built.

Filmed January 21, 20022 at the Enbridge Terminal in Clearbrook, Minnesota.

Produced by Honor the Earth and filmed, interview and edit by NewEra4K.

Earth Justice: How a Shoddy Environmental Review Could Cause a Catastrophic Oil Spill in Wisconsin

HOW A SHODDY ENVIRONMENTAL REVIEW COULD CAUSE A CATASTROPHIC OIL SPILL IN WISCONSIN

Wisconsin’s inadequate environmental analysis of Enbridge’s rushed and haphazard Line 5 pipeline reroute does grave injustice to frontline Tribal communities.

By Bala Sivaraman | January 31, 2022

“The White River and Bad River power the fisheries of Lake Superior and inside the watershed itself,” says Bad River Band Chairman Mike Wiggins, Jr. “If you’re trying to protect Lake Superior for the future, you have to start right in Bad River.” 

How does Line 5 threaten people, waters, and fisheries in Wisconsin?

While national attention on Line 5 has focused on the legal battle in Michigan, another segment of the pipeline is posing an increasingly grave threat farther north in Wisconsin. 

Along the northern Wisconsin border lies Odanah, home to the Bad River (Mashkiiziibii) Band of Lake Superior Chippewa, a Tribal Nation that has lived along the banks of Lake Superior for thousands of years. The Tribe’s Reservation sits within the Bad River watershed, a critical Lake Superior tributary that spans over 1,000 miles of interconnected rivers including the White River (Waabishkaa-ziibi) and the Bad River (Mashkiigon-ziibi). The watershed is the cultural epicenter of the Bad River Band, and keeping it healthy has major environmental and economic significance.

“The White River and Bad River power the fisheries of Lake Superior and inside the watershed itself,” says Bad River Band Chairman Mike Wiggins, Jr. “If you’re trying to protect Lake Superior for the future, you have to start right in Bad River.” 

Enbridge received easements from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to construct the 12-mile segment of Line 5 through the Bad River Reservation in 1953.

“At the time, government consultation with tribes about how they might be impacted by such a project was non-existent”, says Edith Leoso, the Bad River Tribal Historic Preservation Officer. "The Tribe was told ‘this pipeline would be going in’”.

Line 5 runs only a few miles from Lake Superior, and is increasingly likely to rupture in the Lake due to its age and a heightened frequency of severe storms brought on by climate change. The Band had been trying to access information from Enbridge in order to evaluate the pipeline’s risks to treaty resources, safety, and the environment since several of its easements expired in 2013. In 2017, following a 500 – year flood in the watershed in 2016, the Bad River Tribal Council denied the easements, requiring Enbridge to remove the 12-mile segment of the pipeline from the Reservation and watershed because of the health and safety risks it presented. But in the five years since, the segment has remained and oil continues to flow.

Instead of removing the pipeline, Enbridge drafted two relocation plans: one within the Reservation boundaries and a second that situated the pipeline around the Reservation but still within the surrounding Bad River watershed. This second re-route does little to prevent the impacts of construction or an oil spill, and poses an even greater threat given the geography of the watershed: the surface water shares an intimate hydrological connection with the groundwater along the pipeline’s relocation, so construction or any leak will quickly contaminate tribal drinking water. The Tribe’s Reservation is located downstream, so discharges from construction, fill changes to water quality, or a spill anywhere upstream will make its way through the watershed and empty into the Reservation.

“I can’t overstress how devastating a spill in the watershed would be,” says Naomi Tillison, Director of the Bad River Mashkiiziibii Natural Resources Department. “The Bad River hatchery is the largest producer of walleye fingerlings in Lake Superior. If the waters that our hatcheries and wild rice beds rely on were contaminated with oil, not only would our supply of food, water and medicines be depleted, our coastal wetlands would be devastated and all of the businesses and people in the region who depend on our fisheries would suffer.”

What’s wrong with Wisconsin’s environmental analysis?

In December 2021, the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources released a Draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) of Enbridge’s proposed pipeline relocation route, which did not consider how the new route would impact Tribal rights.

“The state’s environmental review was egregiously inadequate at outlining the threats that the re-route poses to the Bad River Band,” says Earthjustice attorney Stefanie Tsosie, who is working with the Bad River Band to challenge the environmental review. “The state has failed to analyze any of the environmental impacts the new pipeline will have on watersheds.”

The state’s review failed to:

  • Analyze the impacts the project will have on Bad River’s treaty rights and cultural resources;

  • Accurately analyze impacts to rare species;

  • Discuss cumulative impacts that construction and operation would have to the area;

  • Analyze water quality impacts that construction and operation of the pipeline would have, including if proposal will meet Bad River Band's downstream water quality standards"

  • Disclose impacts from the current operation of the aging Line 5 pipeline;

  • Disclose or analyze the likelihood of and the impacts from an oil spill on the area’s waters, including groundwater aquifers and rivers;

  • Analyze and disclose how construction and operation will affect the area’s wetland ecosystems

READ MORE


Enbridge puppets “honor” Bad River; get schooled by Mike Wiggins Jr.

February 6, 2022

Barbara With

Excerpts from Wisconsin DNR hearing on February 2, 2022 regarding Enbridge Line 5 draft environmental statement:

Citizens expose gross inadequacies in Enbridge Line 5 draft EIS, tell DNR to do their job

Citizens expose gross inadequacies in Enbridge Line 5 draft EIS, tell DNR to do their job

Citizens expose gross inadequacies in Enbridge Line 5 draft EIS, tell DNR to do their job

February 6, 2022

Barbara With & Rebecca Kemble

The Bad and White rivers flow through the Bad River Reservation and into Lake Superior in northern Wisconsin. Enbridge's Line 5 pipeline crosses both rivers and threatens the Bad River watershed and reservation.

JAIDA GREY EAGLE FOR EARTHJUSTICE

On February 2, 2022, over 250 people attended the Wisconsin DNR public hearing to respond to the Enbridge Line 5 draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS). The replacement pipeline is being proposed to be built through the Bad River watershed on the shores of Lake Superior.

The 10-hour hearing revealed an overwhelming opposition to the project, with 147 people (88%) testifying against, and 20 (12%) in favor.

Headwaters of the Kakagon Sloughs, Bad River. Photo: David Joe Bates, tribal member of Bad River Band of the Lake Superior Tribe of Chippewa Indians.

Citizens who oppose the building of the pipeline through the Bad River watershed commented on the 400+ page statement, bringing to light the fatals flaws of Enbridge’s plan. There were repeated demands that the DNR do their job to address the myriad of deeper problems in the EIS.

These are some of the complaints about what is lacking in the draft EIS and what the DNR failed to do:

  • No meaningful consultation with all the Tribes

  • No consideration of treaty rights

  • Did not wait for cultural surveys to be completed

  • Does not address water withdrawals required for construction and pipeline testing

  • Failed to take into consideration the ramifications of the 20-year life span of the pipeline

  • Fails to adequately address impacts on endangered species

  • Failed to address the impact of blasting through bedrock

  • Failed to address water quality standards

  • Failed to verify the claims made by Enbridge

  • Failed to address the climate change impact of Line 5

  • Failed to address Enbridge’s history of spills

  • Failed to address Enbridge’s track record of environmental damage in Minnesota from Line 3 construction

  • Failed to address Enbridge’s refusal to abide by Michigan law

Enbridge seemed to have prepared a handful of construction trade unions, industry associations and pipeline contractors who read the corporation’s statement, repeating the same talking points. Although the purpose of the hearing was to receive comments on the draft EIS, none of those testifying in support addressed the EIS itself. Instead they spoke another on the potential economic impact of Line 5, focusing only on “700 ‘good-paying’ jobs,” “$6 million in taxes paid” and “$36 million in potential tax revenue.”

Enbridge Line 3 damage at the Mississippi in Clearwater, MN. Photo: Ron Turney

They also insisted that Enbridge is “honoring” the Bad River Band of Lake Superior Chippewa by moving the pipeline outside of “Tribal boundaries.” However, according to Bad River Chairman Mike Wiggins Jr.:

Bad River Chairman Mike Wiggins Jr., the Line 5 re-route is potentially even more harmful to the Bad River people. He said, “The crux of the issue is that they are in our hydrologically connected waterways and water aquifers.”Whatever it is, the way you tell your story online can make all the difference.
— Bad River Chairman Mike Wiggins Jr.

In 2019 Bad River filed a federal lawsuit against Enbridge demanding it shuts down its more than six decade-old pipeline running through the tribe’s reservation. That case is ongoing. In response to US Congressman Tom Tiffany, Wiggins said:

“With all due respect to the congressman, he says this reroute proposal honors our request. The only thing we have ever asked of the oil company is to get out of our water. That has been rejected, that has been disrespected, and essentially ignored. It’s a simple request. We told them to take their $24 million they offered us to exist in our drinking water and put it into the reroute project out of our water shed, out of our hydrological connectivities.

That underscores the essence of our defense and our resistance.”

TAKE ACTION

The DNR is accepting written comments regarding the draft EIS through March 18, 2022. Concerned citizen can read the document here or visit the Enbridge EIS Tool Kit to learn more.

Comments can be emailed or mailed:

Email: dnroeeacomments@wi.gov

U.S. mail:
Line 5 EIS Comments
DNR (EA/7)
101 South Webster Street, Madison, WI 53707

AND

Army Corps of Engineers accepting comments on Enbridge’s Line 5 Proposal

On January 6, the Army Corps of Engineers (a federal Agency within the Biden Administration) announced that it would be doing an individual permit on Enbridge’s application for a permit to fill wetlands and do horizontal directional drilling on the White River.  

Read Enbridge’s Application and the Army Corps Notice here.

The Army Corps is accepting public comments through March 7. Comments can be sent to:

  • Electronic comments may be submitted via email: CEMVP-L5WSR-PN-Comments@usace.army.mil
    OR

  • St. Paul District Corps of Engineers,

CEMVP-RD

180 Fifth Street East, Suite 700

Saint Paul, MN 55101 1678.


FOLLOW Wisconsin Citizens Media Cooperative ONLINE OR SOCIAL MEDIA

Enbridge uses scoring system to track Indigenous opposition using permit barred “counterinsurgency tactics.”

Enbridge uses scoring system to track Indigenous opposition using permit barred “counterinsurgency tactics.”

Enbridge uses scoring system to track Indigenous opposition using permit barred “counterinsurgency tactics.”

Environmental activist Winona LaDuke, Honor the Earth founder, speaks to the media in front of a section of the Enbridge Line 3 pipeline outside Park Rapids, Minn., on June 6, 2021. Photo: Kerem Yucel/AFP via Getty Images

On a color-coded map, land belonging to Native tribes that opposed the Line 3 pipeline were marked in red — areas of “threat” to the bottom line.

Policing the Pipeline Part 17 by Alleen Brown
January 23 2022

When the oil company Enbridge sought to build its Line 3 pipeline through northern Minnesota, it faced opposition from Indigenous-led water protectors. The company moved to coordinate with local police as they cracked down on the resistance.

AS PART OF its efforts to build and operate pipelines, the oil transport company Enbridge used a tracking system that identified Indigenous-led groups as key threats.

Internal documents reviewed by The Intercept describe how Enbridge launched an initiative known as Opposition Driven Operational Threats, or ODOT, to focus the company’s attention on Indigenous opposition to Line 3 and Line 5, two controversial pipelines that transport carbon-intensive tar sands oil between Canada and the United States.

The documents provide a rare window into how fossil fuel companies counteract political opposition. In Enbridge’s case, its ODOT initiative goes so far as to track community gatherings of pipeline opponents and label tribal lands as areas where the company faces threats.

“To the rest of us, ‘threat’ means actual threats to life and liberty, but to them this is all about how much money they can extract while carrying out an operation that is environmentally devastating,” said Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, director of the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund’s Center for Protest Law and Litigation and an attorney representing opponents of Line 3.

“You begin to have this perversion of concepts of what actually are true threats.”

“To the rest of us, ‘threat’ means actual threats to life and liberty, but to them this is all about how much money they can extract.”

Information about how the internal system works is limited, but Verheyden-Hilliard said that there could be civil rights implications depending on whether any state or local agencies are involved in the collection of data for ODOT and how Enbridge uses the information the initiative produces. The existence of the tracking system, she said, was especially troubling considering Enbridge’s payments to law enforcement agencies for policing pipeline opposition. Gatherings of pipeline opponents are protected by the First Amendment. In communities in which tribal governments have invoked their treaty rights to challenge pipeline paths, the tool could potentially be used to develop divisive campaigns aimed at pressuring tribes to back down.

“To the rest of us, ‘threat’ means actual threats to life and liberty, but to them this is all about how much money they can extract.”

“As part of Enbridge’s risk assessment process, we work to better understand the communities in which we operate, views about energy infrastructure and various perspectives regarding our projects and operations,” Enbridge spokesperson Juli Kellner said in a statement to The Intercept. “Doing so enables us to actively address issues through engagement and dialogue. We take seriously our role in delivering the energy people count on every day and ensuring safe, uninterrupted and reliable operations.”

ENBRIDGE DESIGNED ODOT as a sweeping system to identify emerging outside threats to the company’s business. The program has been managed by a team of Enbridge employees, representing various areas of expertise across the company, who planned to coordinate with various departments within the liquids pipeline division.

Enbridge’s definition of a threat includes virtually anything that could negatively impact the company.

ODOT was meant to protect against not only property damage but also reputational harm to the company. A list describing categories of threats included activities that involved trespassing or disruptive protests as well as “awareness events,” which appeared to reference gatherings for pipeline opponents to get their message out.

A tribe considering rejecting an Enbridge easement, often by invoking its treaty rights, could also qualify as a threat.

The ODOT initiative includes a system that assigns a risk score to geographical areas. One of the factors used to tally the score is “Indigenous Opposition.” Enbridge has used the scores to generate color-coded maps that often identify areas covered by treaty rights as places where the company faces a threat.

On the maps, lands of the Red Lake Nation, the Leech Lake Band of Ojibwe, and the Bad River Band of Lake Superior Chippewa — all Upper Midwest tribes that have opposed Enbridge pipelines in court — have been marked in red to indicate a threat area.

“Enbridge does not and has never viewed Indigenous communities or Tribal Nations as threats,” said Kellner, who did not directly address the maps. “We listen to and engage with tribes and communities to advance matters of mutual interest.”

Through ODOT, the company also tracks individual pipeline opposition groups. To facilitate the monitoring, Enbridge has used a system to count the number and types of “threats” to Enbridge projects carried out by particular “threat actors” over time. In 2021, the counts focused particularly on Line 3 and Line 5, tracking more than a dozen threat actors, including Indigenous-led pipeline resistance groups such as Camp Migizi and the Giniw Collective.

A SOURCE WHO had access to information about the ODOT system, who asked for anonymity, said they shared the material with The Intercept out of concern that Ojibwe pipeline opponent Winona LaDuke had been named as a threat, alongside the nonprofit she founded, Honor the Earth.

The documents about ODOT reviewed by The Intercept don’t show how the system was used, but groups named in the documents, like LaDuke’s, often had run-ins with the company during the fight over Line 3.

Enbridge, for example, bought land near the headquarters of an Honor the Earth project — miles away from the company’s pipeline.

After the purchase, Honor the Earth employees repeatedly spotted drones around the property, which LaDuke suspected were for keeping an eye on the group.

“The drones were significant, the surveillance was very significant on our staff,” said LaDuke. After Line 3 was completed this past fall, LaDuke said Enbridge agreed to sell her the land. “The amount of trauma they have caused in our communities is significant,” she said.

** Enbridge actually purchased 120 acres that surrounded, not near, Honor the Earth’s project property that was merely 40 acres with the Village of Pine Point in the back yard. (SLN3 Team Note)

 the company gathered intelligence to make its risk assessments is unclear. Public records obtained by The Intercept show that law enforcement shared intelligence on anti-pipeline organizing with Enbridge security, though no link has been established between the police intelligence and ODOT.

Enbridge did not respond to questions about the land purchase, use of drones, or use of law enforcement intelligence. “While we always respect the rights of people to peacefully protest, some actions taken by protestors have put people, communities, and the environment at risk,” said Kellner, the Enbridge spokesperson. “It’s our obligation to protect our workers as well as the communities we operate in and the environment, which means understanding and managing those risks in a manner consistent with our values, and state and federal law.”

To Alexander Dunlap, a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Oslo, ODOT is a tool of what he and other academics have called corporate counterinsurgency.

Counterinsurgencies, often associated with the military, involve convincing communities to take on a key role in quelling resistance, and corporate counterinsurgencies frequently seek to stymie opposition to megaprojects such as Line 3 and Line 5.

The Minnesota permit that granted permission for the Line 3 pipeline barred Enbridge from utilizing “counterinsurgency tactics.” The Intercept previously reported on criticisms that Enbridge was conducting a corporate counterinsurgency in Minnesota.

Dunlap said the documents provide additional evidence that such tactics were used. He said, “It’s most certainly counterinsurgency.”